The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was regarded as arguably the most influential holders of that position in the nation's history. Whereas numerous VPs were limited to minor or ceremonial functions, Cheney wielded enormous sway during the presidency of George W Bush, to the point that he was frequently described as the "true president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and claimed the connection was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, consistently referring to him in public settings as President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their partnership as a partnership because it implied that they were on equal footing. Despite such protestations, Cheney found the laidback president malleable on a broad range of policy decisions.
A Period Following the Attacks
Leading of a contingent of conservative hawks that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been participating in a meeting at a school in Florida. As Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the shooting down of any unidentified planes heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney said the attacks transformed him, making him become determined on retaliation. In conjunction with other conservative figures, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, even though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Debated Actions
He expressed no regrets about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the harsh treatment of detainees rounded up after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on faulty intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the right path to take. "It was the correct action to do back then. I was convinced then and I hold that view presently."
But even at the time, there were opposing views at a top tier about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the White House's own delegates to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the role. "I observed, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, negligence, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, deception, incompetence, and dishonesty."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely accountable for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for similar measures. He had drafted a memorandum outlining circumstances in which US concerns might be endangered (including "access to vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the US should be prepared to take unilateral action when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," explicitly mentioning defense operations against Iraq.
Bush additionally had arrived in the White House vaguely intent on executing what his father had famously refused to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Following he had been fired by the president, the finance chief Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of lowering America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a personal grudge against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a conspiracy to kill his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally objected to that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a image of his predecessor's face that everyone had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous supporting invading Iraq, repeatedly referencing agency briefings that were either insubstantial or totally deceptive. He supported what the Bush White House euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the use of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Answering a Senate report in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the report as "full of crap". He stated to Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place programmes to catch the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of credit."
Public Image
Cheney took pleasure in labels given to him by detractors such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the idea that he was a dark force manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the malevolent mastermind in the background that nobody ever sees come out of his domain? That is a advantageous way to work, actually."
Business Interests
Dispute over his business interests followed him throughout his time as second-in-command. Even though he had little experience in commerce but established relationships in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum corporations, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's running mate for the presidency. Contentiously, during the military campaign, Halliburton was given US deals worth billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly earnings during his tenure at the company grew from his $258,394 while Pentagon chief to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a package totaling over $20m|twenty
